Just two months ago, Switzerland’s new defence minister was seen as an outsider with little chance of securing a federal government post.
But Martin Pfister, an army colonel and cantonal minister who advocates for more defence co-operation with Nato and EU neighbours, is set to take office next month after defeating a more conservative rival earlier this week.
Co-operation and joint training exercises with Nato, of which Switzerland is not a member, was “absolutely necessary”, Pfister said last month, adding that while he was not pushing for his country to become a member, the defence alliance remained essential for Europe’s security.
His appointment highlights how even neutral Switzerland is feeling the urgency to bolster its defence, as US President Donald Trump threatens to unwind the American guarantees that have long underpinned the continent’s — and the Alpine nation’s — security.
In a news conference after the vote on Thursday, Pfister said Nato was “changing, we don’t know in which direction”. Interoperability and co-operation with European countries was crucial “if security is important to us”, he added.

Any shift in Switzerland’s neutrality stance would require a referendum and constitutional changes — a process that could take years.
But discussions have started to take place at several levels of government that could lead to a dramatic shift in a country whose very identity is deeply intertwined with neutrality, according to experts.
“I have never seen a scenario that depicts the situation we are in,” said Jean-Marc Rickli, head of global and emerging risks at the Geneva Centre for Security Policy.
“In transatlantic relationships there have been ups and downs but the US showing possible disengagement from Europe as well as siding with Russia . . . has sent shockwaves through Europe including Switzerland.”
A similar view is held by Matthias Zoller, secretary-general of the aeronautics, security and defence division of Swissmem, an industry body and lobby group.
“There is a sense of urgency that has not been there,” Zoller said. “Finally, both sides — parliament as well as the government — see that there is something to do and to change.”
Public sentiment has shifted towards more security co-operation with European neighbours, according to a study published last summer by the military academy at ETH Zurich and the Center for Security Studies.
The study found 53 per cent of respondents were in favour of closer ties with Nato — while the 10-year average on this question hovered around 43 per cent. Only 30 per cent wanted to join the alliance but that was still higher than the 10-year average of 23 per cent.
Zoller, who attended a hearing with Pfister ahead of his appointment, said the new defence minister “understands that whatever we do we need to collaborate with our neighbours”.
One of Pfister’s early tasks after taking office on April 1 will be to help draft the country’s first national security strategy, which could emerge by summer.
Discussions on the security strategy “will take place with a growing sense of urgency which is a good thing”, said Daniel Möckli, who runs the think-tank at the CSS at ETH Zurich, which is partly funded by the defence ministry.
“The formal draft security strategy will be the first of its kind and it will define our objectives. It should give an idea of where the government wants to take the country.”
Also under consideration are changes to export regulations. Bern prohibits arms exports if the destination country is involved in any wars, at home or abroad, including Ukraine.
The rules have been a source of discontent in Europe, especially for countries such as Germany, which was not allowed to re-export Swiss-made armaments to Ukraine.
That could change under Pfister.
“Martin Pfister confirmed he would fight for relaxation of export restrictions on Swiss war material and systems,” said Stefan Holenstein, a colonel in the general staff of the Swiss army who chairs the Association of Military Societies Switzerland.
Earlier this month, Holenstein invited Pfister and his rival candidate, Markus Ritter, head of the Swiss farmer’s lobby, to a hearing with military and defence industry representatives in Berne.
While Switzerland stands for perpetual armed neutrality, Holenstein said, “for us and also for Martin, it doesn’t mean, and he emphasised this, it doesn’t mean strict isolation or strict non-cooperation to the European security architecture”.
Substantially increasing the army budget and building up the Swiss arms industry were other expectations of the military industry, Holenstein said.
Switzerland aims to reach 1 per cent of its GDP spent on defence by 2030 up from 0.7 per cent last year. That is much less than other European nations’ targets: Nato’s 2 per cent spending target is expected to be raised to 3 per cent or 3.5 per cent at a summit in June, while Trump has insisted European allies should pay 5 per cent of GDP.
An expansion of the interoperability of the armed forces must be possible too, Holenstein said, pointing to Swiss ground soldiers next month heading to Austria — also a neutral country — to train with Austrian and German troops. It will be Switzerland’s first military exercises on foreign soil since 2003.
But for all of the apparent momentum in Switzerland accelerated by Europe’s rearmament effort, others warned any change in strategy could take years.
There are also strong forces who would like to see neutrality strengthened. After Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Switzerland adopted sanctions similar with the EU, the UK and the US. But activists and some rightwing politicians have since tried to force the end of the economic restrictions by more precisely defining the country’s long-held neutrality in the constitution.
A Swiss official said: “You have enormous differences even between those in the Federal Council, let alone parliament and the public, on Switzerland’s future direction. And it is always about finding consensus here and we are a long way from that.”
“I wouldn’t hold my breath for big changes this year or even next year.”